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SHAFR Opinion

Visions of War

by Susan Brewer

On December 15th President Barack Obama welcomed home U.S. troops from a war he once had called “dumb.” His speech avoided the reasons why the Iraq War was fought and focused instead on honoring the American servicemen and women who fought it.  Inspiring words–“extraordinary achievement,” “honor,” “sacrifice,” “finest fighting force,” “unbroken line of heroes,” “progress [...]

Newt Gingrich and the (ab)Uses of History

by Andrew Johnstone

It is an honor to join the SHAFR blogging team for 2011-12.  While SHAFR is (as the name makes perfectly clear) a society that focuses on the history of American foreign relations, there is no doubt that we are as well placed as anyone to make connections between historical events and contemporary issues in American [...]

Issues for the 2012 Presidential Election

by Nick Sarantakes

The United States of America is about to enter a presidential election year.  Actually, it already has entered the political season.  The election of 2012 will most likely turn on economics, but as Andy Johns pointed out in his blog, foreign policy is always important and next year’s contest will be no different.  In addition, [...]

W(h)ither the Bilateral Study?: what of the History of U.S. Foreign Policy can tell us about the Emergent Multilateral World

by James Siekmeier

Back during the Cold War, bilateral studies were common. Indeed the proliferation of bilateral studies seemed to be almost a natural process—it was thought that we humans were seemingly biologically hard-wired to separate things in to this/that, either/or,  good/evil, etc.
Recently, however, the genre of “United States and …[insert country name here] “ studies seem to [...]

Rising Isolationism, A Renewed Danger?

by Christopher McKnight Nichols

It is an honor to be kicking off the blog for the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations for the fall of 2011. I thank Andrew Johns, Brian Etheridge, and the officers of SHAFR for the invitation, and I look forward to an excellent year of diverse debates and dynamic discussions.
For this column, which [...]

A Note from Europe: The End of the World is Nigh

by Michaela Hoenicke Moore

The mid-July headline of the German newspaper Sueddeutsche Zeitung (SZ) commenting on the two debt crises in Europe and the United States reads “The End of the World Is Near – But Only for You.” The article cleverly illustrates the deepening transatlantic gap when it comes to political and economic frames of reference. Americans are [...]

Moving Beyond (and Before) the Cold War

by David Ekbladh

I’ll take up the point raised by Shane Maddock’s recent post on moving beyond the Cold War.  I share his feeling that the focus on the conflict has imposed its own “interpretive framework” on scholarship in U.S. foreign relations and international history generally and that this scaffolding can limit our understanding of a slew of [...]

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closing guantanamo: managing insecurity

May 21st, 2009

I am not a card-carrying member of the ACLU. I do not believe that the rights outlined in the Bill of Rights are absolute. I’ve even been known to tell telephone solicitors for the NRA who invoke the second amendment, that their ilk are members of one of  the top ten evil organizations in the country (in language not nearly so polite). So my position on  closing Guantanamo is not totally an outgrowth of a commitment to an abstract argument about individual rights.

Rather, it is about the need of the citizens of our nation to accept a measure of insecurity as inherent in human life. Once that concept is accepted, the Guantanamo  issue does not become one of ensuring that everyone incarcerated there receives a speedy and fair trial. Nor does it become one of ensuring that every American is free from the risk of a terrorist attack. My position, in contrast, grows in part out of a calculation of what course is likely, in a broad sense, to reduce the inherent insecurity of the people of the United States. The problem with maintaining  Guantanamo as a holding place for prisoners, in this context, is not that it will perpetuate  a deviation  from an absolute conception of individual rights, but that it will continue to undermine, broadly, the moral standing of the United States in the world and provide a recruitment tool for terrorists hostile to our country. Those liabilities undermine our overall ability to counter terrorism and thus render Americans more susceptible to hostile action, whether at home or abroad.

In other words, our country has a choice between risking the consequences of bringing some potential terrorists to its homeland, even if in most cases they are incarcerated, and holding them idefinitely in circumstances in which its moral authority is undermined and terrorist operatives contiue to recruit in part through the image of the United States that Guantanamo promotes. Neither choice offers absolute security nor an assurance of overall success in the struggle against terror directed at the United States. However, one choice offers a better bet, in the larger scheme of things, to reduce the dangers presented by terrorism–and that is to close Guantanamo sooner rather than later.

Former Vice President Cheney deserves a continuing voice, but he does not deserve the benefit of the doubt simply because, on his watch, the United States dodged a second 9/11. His argument for the pursuit of absolute security is the wrong strategy not primarily because it is repulsive in a democratic society, but because it is unlikely to result in achievement of the closest approximation of its objective.

On terrorism, America’s interests lie in the “sensible center” rather than in the extremes of the ACLU or the NRA.

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About William Stueck
William Stueck is Distinguished Research Professor at the University of Georgia. He is currently writing a history of U.S.-Korean relations. He is the author of, among other works, Rethinking the Korean War (Princeton University P, 2002) and The Korean War: An International History (Princeton U, 1995).

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